The chancellor has handled the imminent financial plan like a hesitant bather edging into icy water, attempting to mitigate the hardship through incremental exposure.
She started tackling the challenge of limited funds at the close of the summer months. Initially, she refused to stand by earlier insistence that tax rises in the prior year's budget would be the last ones.
Subsequently, earlier this month, she took a larger stride into the freezing sea. Her address vowed to "take required actions" to finance state services and control borrowing costs down.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had retracted the implication. The manifesto commitment remained intact in the end. Like every freezing-water dipper realizes, this halted immersion and trembling withdrawal is the worst of all techniques. Nothing draws out the discomfort like indecision.
It is hard to be resolute when choosing between levels of internally generated harm.
Hope has not been a successful tactic for this government. Central of the prime minister's general election campaign was the vain belief of in some way satisfying citizens' desire for enhanced government services without overturning billions of pounds of Conservative tax cuts.
Never has both the prime minister or Reeves effectively conveyed a sense of national purpose to justify all this difficulty. Partly that is a issue of charisma. The prime minister and the chancellor are strikingly similar in their poor communication skills, stilted and unforthcoming in a way that drives audiences away instead of pulling them in.
Similarly to political pressure to fund public services has pushed the finance ministry to acknowledge that taxes must increase, the economic imperative of improving growth makes it more challenging to overlook the cost of separation from the EU market.
The government spent a period experimenting in the initial phase of realignment with the European Union: suggestions to eliminate customs checks on agricultural goods; a young people's exchange program. Ambition went a further on power generation, armed forces partnership, but no significant agreements has so far been finalized.
Lacking specific instruction and impetus from Downing Street, negotiations are stalled. Brussels authorities says single-market privileges are obtained with payments to the EU budget. Government representatives are aware that's the deal. That doesn't cause them keen for a open dispute and Nigel Farage screaming betrayal over the eventual amount ends up being agreed.
Financial circumstances has caused some adjustment in Labour's rhetoric on the continental partnership. Reeves has started identifying Brexit alongside the coronavirus crisis as a cause of financial harm that the finance ministry is working hard to address. Government colleagues have followed suit, although they cautiously attribute the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The challenge of the nation's future relationship with the European Union can't be limited to technical adjustments and import controls when the whole geopolitical order is in significant transformation. In light of everything that has happened since the referendum year, it feels legitimate still to be asking the fundamental issue: were the nation's concerns promoted by exiting the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable truths about the UK's position in choppy international waters. It is understandable that the prime minister and the chancellor recoil from the task. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into currents that they dare not oppose. So instead they carry on nervously pacing the coastline, hoping that perhaps shortly the situation will turn.
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